Here’s a good article on American political culture in the Boston Review: Ending Polarization. (The authors’ conclusions differ from my own.)
My view: the political culture of the United States is based on widespread beliefs in, and differing commitments to values of classical liberalism: individual liberty, equality, private property, limited government, individualism, democracy, justice, the rule of law, nationalism, optimism, idealism… These values are reinforced by specific institutions, formal and informal, which include the Constitution, Bill of Rights, the courts, an (increasingly noxious) two-party system, a belief in social equality, a distinctively American ‘civic religion’, reasonably free speech and a free press, a reasonable public discourse and public oversight of government activities.
Currently, the political culture of the US is–to a disturbing degree–not defined by a commitment to these values, but to increasingly isolated and uncommunicative or shrill subcultures within the republic. I don’t blame Bush for creating these conditions; he didn’t. I do blame him, his tactical-brothers-in-arms in the Republican and Democratic parties, and the media for doing all they can to capitalize on the divide. Bush is particularly vulnerable to such criticism given how he presented himself–
[quote=“Bush: interview with David Horowitz; 1999”]I’m a uniter, not a divider. I refuse to play the politics of putting people into groups and pitting one group against another.
[…]
Group-thought will balkanize our society, and I have rejected the politics of pitting one group of persons against another.[/quote]
–and the degree to which his administration has not only presided over, but capitalized on these divides. This is most obviously evident in matters of individual liberty touching on morals issues dealing with sexuality and reproduction (effectively employed to get out the vote), health and death (not so effectively employed). Equality of opportunity has always been contingent on the possibility of freely moving up the socio-economic ladder, but social mobility has become increasingly difficult over the past two decades . Shifting the tax burden to the poor only makes this situation more difficult. Justice and the courts? Too often politicized, exiled to Gitmo, or on permanent hold.
But that’s all part of a more general picture, not the specific case and examples you asked for. How about accepting this, for the time being, in place of another long post.
[quote=“LA TIMES”]
War Rhetoric Blows Back in Port Furor
February 26, 2006
President Bush may not like the arguments that critics are raising against the Dubai company attempting to take over cargo and cruise operations at ports in six U.S. cities. But he should recognize them. The arguments marshaled against Bush closely echoed the ones he deployed to defend the Iraq war.
The president, in other words, is stewing in a pot he brought to boil.
At the core of Bush’s case for invading Iraq was the contention that the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks changed the burden of proof in evaluating potential threats. Bush justified the war, despite inconclusive intelligence about whether Iraqi President Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction, largely on the grounds that after Sept. 11, waiting for definitive evidence of danger was itself too risky.
“Facing clear peril,” Bush declared in his starkest expression of this argument, “we cannot wait for the final proof, the smoking gun that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud.”
In so many words, that’s what many critics are saying now about the deal that would allow Dubai Ports World, controlled by the government of the United Arab Emirates, to acquire the British-owned Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Co. and assume control of its port facilities in the six American cities.
As Sen. Rick Santorum (R-Pa.), ordinarily a reliable Bush supporter, wrote last week: “While the United Arab Emirates has been an ally over the last few years, it certainly has ties to Islamic fascism, and trusting that it will remain on our side in the war on terror is not a risk that I am willing to take.”
That sort of argument, which revolves around the fear of things that might someday occur, is inherently difficult to refute. Indeed, as this debate gathered momentum last week, it often seemed the two sides were talking past each other