I think that this recent article in the New Republic was quite to the point…
tnr.com/doc.mhtml?i=w060626& … tier063006
[quote]Dogmatism makes great demands upon language. It requires a flexible rhetoric to defend–better, to disguise–your inflexibility; to secure your intransigence against new ideas and new circumstances. For many years now, the articulateness of the spokespersons (official and unofficial) for the traditional Palestinian refusal to accept any plan for the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel has provided a fine example of this verbal cunning. Camp David in 1978, Oslo, Camp David in 2000, Taba, the withdrawal from Gaza and more generally the historical opportunity presented by the ascendancy of Kadima: In all these cases, the Palestinian refusal to take yes for an answer, the all-or-nothing-at-all-ism, had to be explained away. Palestinian apologetics has consisted in a million fancy ways of saying no. They have become so trained in arguing against the “viability” of every proposed version of Palestinian statehood that they appear to have lost sight of the non-viability of Palestinian statelessness.
But once in a while they break creative new ground in their tragic casuistry. Such a moment occurred Wednesday night on “The Charlie Rose” show, in a discussion of the muscular Israeli response to the kidnapping of an Israeli soldier by Hamas militants. Among the defenders of the Palestinians on the show was Khalil Jashan, a former president of the National Association of Arab Americans, who teaches at Pepperdine University. When Rose asked him about the Hamas position on “the right of Israel to exist,” this was part of what he replied: “In Arabic, people in Hamas and throughout the Palestinian national movement call it a policy of tajlis, in other words making peace impossible, in the sense that, you know, I mean what other state requires people to acknowledge its right to exist, particularly as a religious-based state? No state does that.”
Leave aside the bit about “a religious-based state,” which is just shorthand for one of the oldest and most willful misrepresentations of the character of the Israeli polity. I have no idea what tajlis means, but Jashan’s point is awful in an Orwellian way. For a start, since the late 1960s the Palestinians have complained precisely that their existence has been denied by Israel and its governments and its people; and in the course of the on-again, off-again peace process in those tortured decades, Israel has obliged the Palestinians with all forms of explicit recognitions (there is now not a serious politician in Israel who does not speak about the establishment of a Palestinian state). The Palestinians were perfectly correct to demand the recognition of their existence: The denial of the other is the very foundation of conflict and oppression. So how dare Jashan impugn the Israeli desire for the same moral and historical courtesy? His hypocrisy is breathtaking. After all, the denial of the other, having once been a sin of both sides, is now a sin only of one side, the Hamas side. And Hamas is more or less in control of Palestine. Jashan errs in his belief that no state but Israel requires people to acknowledge its right to exist–the de-legitimation of new states and breakaway states and ethnically heterodox states is a common feature of our world; but if Israel requires people to acknowledge its right to exist, it is because people deny its right to exist.
Jashan continued: “Israel exists by virtue of the fact that it does exist and that it enjoys the basically recognition [sic] of a large number of countries around the world.” This, too, is outrageous. It is certainly true that in some sense it is beneath one’s dignity to defend one’s right to exist, and that the fact of one’s existence should suffice to assure a decent respect. But this is precisely what was denied by Arabs and Palestinians for most of the decades of this conflict, and it is precisely what Hamas (and Ahmadinejad, and Al Qaeda, and the fevered universe of political Islam) is still denying. Jashan’s realism, his suggestion that the fact should establish the value, is actually quite sinister. For this appeal to facticity is in truth another denial of legitimacy. One way of denying legitimacy is by preempting its discussion, by making it moot. Would the Palestinians have been content for the question of Palestinian legitimacy to have been declared beside the point? I do not think so. But here is Jashan denying that the moral and philosophical and psychological circumstances of the conflict any longer matter. Israel is to be accepted as just another nasty fact of life, like toxic waste or Tom Cruise.
The objective of Jashan’s existentialism, of this new exercise of Palestinian casuistry, of this sudden reversal about the importance of basic recognition, is quite simple. It has been contrived to protect the Hamas worldview, to insulate it from the pressure that has followed upon its political ascendancy. Even as Abu Mazen is struggling to impose some requirement of mutual recognition upon the haters of Hamas, here is the professor from Pepperdine telling Hamas that they should tough it out, that it might be possible to change the terms of the debate in a way that would allow them to escape with their philosophy unshaken, with their ideology unreconstructed.
“You know, I’m not a fan of Hamas,” Jashan said almost parenthetically a few sentences later. He was right to insist upon the clarification, because there was nothing in his previous remark that gave the opposite impression. He seemed like a sane man, but he was making excuses for insanity. Can he really not curse Hamas and the occupation in the same breath? Then he has a completely politicized mind. If he thinks that the postponement of a war of ideas within the Palestinian community is a good thing, or that the misery of the Palestinians or the occupation of the Israelis is a proper reason for the postponement of such a war, then he is letting down more than my community, he is letting down his community. He is giving comfort to his enemy, and his enemy is Hamas.
Leon Wieseltier is the literary editor of The New Republic.[/quote]